[D66] Who is Kamala Harris?
R.O.
jugg at ziggo.nl
Wed Aug 12 07:32:34 CEST 2020
Who is Democratic Senator Kamala Harris?
By Dan Conway
12 August 2020
Joseph Biden’s selection of the first-term Senator and former state
Attorney General from California Kamala Harris as his running mate comes
as no surprise and solidifies the Democratic Party establishment’s
right-wing ticket for the 2020 presidential elections.
As was the case in her bid for the Democratic Party nomination earlier
this year, Harris’s mixed ethnicity—her father is Jamaican and her
mother is Tamil—was a significant factor in the calculations behind her
selection by Biden. In the remaining three months before election day on
November 3, the Democrats are clearly doubling down on race and gender
identity politics.
Indicating the consensus behind the Biden-Harris ticket, both Hillary
Clinton and Bernie Sanders quickly endorsed her selection.
In the political profile of Harris below, published in July 2019 when
she was one of the leading candidates for the Democratic presidential
nomination, the World Socialist Web Site summed up her career as a
representative of the US criminal justice system and a reliable defender
of corporate and intelligence state interests.
***
Among the two dozen candidates now running for the 2020 Democratic
presidential nomination, California senator Kamala Harris has regularly
polled among the top five contenders for the party’s nomination since
announcing her candidacy last January.
Both the corporate media and the Democratic Party establishment hailed
her performance in the June 26-27 debate in Miami, when she attacked
former Vice President Joe Biden over his comments about busing and
working with segregationist Democrats in the Senate. She has moved up in
both the polls and fundraising since then, hitting first place in a poll
of California voters this week for the first time.
With two of her four main rivals being white men in their mid-70s, the
54-year-old Harris, given her gender and mixed Jamaican and south Indian
ancestry, is a likely selection for vice president even if she fails to
win the nomination, considering the Democratic Party’s embrace of the
politics of gender and racial identity.
Harris, like the rest of the Democratic field, is trying to posture as a
progressive alternative to Trump, while, in her case, seeking to split
the difference between Biden, the “moderate” frontrunner, and his two
main challengers from the “left” wing of the party, Bernie Sanders and
Elizabeth Warren. Harris has tried to have it both ways, combining the
“electability” argument of Biden with the suggestion that, as a former
prosecutor, she would aggressively challenge Trump.
At the heart of Harris’s candidacy—as far as her credentials with the
ruling class are concerned—is her record as a ruthless operative in the
fields of criminal justice and national security. She was district
attorney in San Francisco for six years, then California state
attorney-general for the same length of time, before winning a Senate
seat in 2016.
Senate Democratic leaders promoted Harris from the start, giving her
plum committee assignments, including Budget, Homeland Security and
Judiciary, where she was heavily publicized for her role in the
questioning of Supreme Court nominee, now justice, Brett Kavanaugh.
Most revealing was her appointment to the Intelligence Committee in
2017—the only newly elected Democrat to be given such a critical
position, and an indication that, as far as the Democratic Party
establishment and the military-intelligence apparatus were concerned,
Harris is a “safe pair of hands.”
Harris has repaid this confidence by acting as the point woman, among
the Democratic presidential candidates, for the bogus anti-Russian
campaign, demanding Trump’s impeachment, not for his flagrant violations
of the US Constitution or his persecution of immigrants, but based on
the McCarthyite smear that he is a stooge of Moscow.
Speaking at the California Democratic Party’s convention in early June,
Harris said, “Let’s talk about this so-called commander in chief. He
parrots Russia’s lies over the word of American intelligence and law
enforcement leaders. He denies that Russia interfered in the election of
the president of the United States. We need to begin impeachment
proceedings and we need a new commander in chief.”
She continued along these lines in the June 27 Democratic debate, when
she repeatedly attacked Trump on foreign policy, declaring, on North
Korea, that Trump “embraces Kim Jong-un, a dictator, for the sake of a
photo op,” adding that “he takes the word of the Russian president over
the word of the American intelligence community when it comes to a
threat to our democracy and our elections.” In a post-debate interview
on MSNBC, Harris attacked Trump for taking “the word of a Saudi prince
over the word of the American intelligence community” on the murder of
Jamal Khashoggi.
For Harris, as for the Democratic Party as a whole, there is no greater
breach of political norms than failing to take “the word of the American
intelligence community.”
A career prosecutor
Harris began her political career in 1990 as a deputy district attorney
for Alameda County, which includes the city of Oakland, before crossing
the bay to a similar position in San Francisco in 1998. She quickly made
high-level connections, moving in elite social circles, where she
cultivated patrons like oil heiress Vanessa Getty. She briefly dated
then California Assembly Speaker Willie Brown, who became mayor of San
Francisco and promoted her political career and financial interests.
By the time Harris decided to challenge incumbent San Francisco District
Attorney Terence Hallinan in 2004, she was able to outraise him by
two-to-one and spent so much money on the campaign that the San
Francisco Ethics Commission imposed a record fine for violating the
city’s campaign finance law. Hallinan, a former defense lawyer with
close ties to Bay Area radical circles—his father had been the 1952
presidential candidate of the Progressive Party—was opposed by the
business establishment, the police unions, and the San Francisco
Chronicle, whose editorial on the contest was headlined: “Harris, for
law and order.”
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Six years later, Harris was the consensus Democratic Party choice for
the position of state attorney general being vacated by Jerry Brown, who
was the Democratic candidate for governor. She ran with backing of her
local congresswoman, Nancy Pelosi, and both Democratic senators, Dianne
Feinstein and Barbara Boxer.
As both a city prosecutor and as the top law enforcement official in the
largest US state, Harris made a name for herself as a strict “law and
order” advocate. As San Francisco District Attorney, she prided herself
on the high conviction rates obtained oftentimes heedless of ethical
legal practice. Felony conviction rates rose from 52 percent in 2003 to
67 percent in 2006 under her leadership.
This increase in convictions, however, was often due to clear misconduct
on the part of Harris and her office. In 2012, Superior Court Judge
Ann-Christine Massulo ruled that Harris’s office violated defendants’
rights by withholding damaging information about a corrupt police crime
lab technician who had stolen drugs and falsified reports.
As state attorney-general, Harris took on the high-profile defense of
the state prison system against court rulings condemning overcrowding
and mistreatment of prisoners as unconstitutional “cruel and unusual
punishment.” She sought to end federal court supervision of the prisons,
later defending her aggressive advocacy with the cynical statement that
as the principal legal representative of the state government, “I have a
client, and I don’t get to choose my client.”
In 2015, Harris attempted to overturn a lower court ruling declaring the
state’s death penalty laws cruel and inhumane. Once again Harris claimed
that she was simply defending her client, the state of California which
didn’t necessarily reflect her own views on the subject.
When the US Supreme Court in Brown v. Plata in 2014 declared the state’s
prisons so overcrowded that they constituted cruel and unusual
punishment, Harris fought the ruling. Prisoners were stacked in
three-person bunkbeds and were falling ill and dying for lack of medical
care. The state of California was subsequently ordered to reduce its
prison population by 40,000 inmates. Harris actually argued that if
California released inmates too soon, the state would lose an important
source of labor, citing its reliance on untrained prison inmates risking
their lives fighting wildfires for $2 a day.
In 2015, Harris defended convictions obtained by county prosecutors
after the latter had inserted false confessions into interrogation
transcripts. Harris asserted at the time that perjury was not sufficient
to demonstrate prosecutorial misconduct.
The vindictive, anti-democratic character of Harris’s tenure as attorney
general was not limited to the courtroom either. In 2010, Harris
sponsored a law, later signed by Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, which
sought to improve schools by jailing parents of truant children and
subjecting them to fines of up to $2,000. Even though the law explicitly
made jail time a probable outcome for parents of truant children, Harris
claimed in a CNN interview last May that sending parents to jail was an
“unintended consequence” of the law.
Harris used her powers as a prosecutor to conduct vicious attacks on the
poor and working class while doing her utmost to shield police and
politicians from punishment. This stands in marked contrast to what her
campaign claims was her record of virtually untarnished progressivism
while in office. In her book, The Truths We Hold, issued to help launch
her campaign, Harris mixes typical sentimental boilerplate with overt
falsifications of her political record. She describes herself as a
“progressive prosecutor.” Moreover, she claims she “used the powers of
the office with a sense of fairness, perspective and experience.”
Many who’ve followed her career as prosecutor have had a different
perspective, however. Lara Bazelon, former director of the Loyola Law
School Project for the Innocent in Los Angeles, wrote in a New York
Times op-ed, “Time after time, when progressives urged her to embrace
criminal justice reforms as a district attorney and then the state’s
attorney general, Ms. Harris opposed them or stayed silent.” Donald
Specter, executive director of the Prison Law Office, stated in a Daily
Beast interview, “As far as I know, she did very little if anything to
improve the criminal justice system when she was attorney general.”
Adopting the persona of a “progressive”
Harris launched her presidential campaign with the slogan “Kamala Harris
for the people,” a reference to the statement of identification made by
district attorneys and other prosecutors when they appear in court. In
fits and starts, she adopted positions on a variety of economic and
social issues which can be portrayed as vaguely “progressive,” although
on closer examination they usually amount to nothing. On the few
occasions where she has, perhaps inadvertently, voiced a “left”
sentiment, she invariably qualifies it or takes it back the next day.
Thus she embraced the call of Bernie Sanders for “Medicare for all,” but
has twice reversed herself on the question of ending private health
insurance in favor of a federally financed system, an indication that
she really has no intention of implementing such a plan.
Harris also sponsored, along with fellow presidential candidate
Elizabeth Warren, a Senate bill known as the Climate Risk Disclosure Act
which would use “market forces to speed up the transition from fossil
fuels to cleaner energy.” The bill was based on the claims of former
Vice President Al Gore and other Democratic Party leaders that
environmental clean-up and “green energy” can be promoted as
profit-making enterprises.
This bankrupt proposal issues no penalties for polluting companies. It
requires them to do nothing to curb pollution aside from listing the
amount of greenhouse gases they emit, what fossil fuels they use and how
their asset valuations will be affected if they were to reduce carbon
emissions in line with the Paris climate accords.
On immigration, Harris has also promised to protect DACA recipients from
deportation and publicly opposed Trump’s border wall with Mexico. She
tacitly supported the recent Senate passage of $4.6 billion for Trump’s
network of concentration camps for immigrants along the US-Mexico
border. Like the other Senate Democrats running for president, she was
absent for the vote. The bill was approved by a bipartisan 84-8 margin.
Other legislative proposals were crafted with an eye to their political
popularity among Democratic primary voters, to give Harris a more
liberal image than her actual record in California or Washington. She
supported federal legalization of recreational marijuana and increases
in public defender pay to the levels of their state prosecutor
counterparts. After the wave of teacher strikes, Harris called for a
$13,500-a-year pay increase for every schoolteacher in the US.
She has also called for increasing the federal minimum wage to $15 per
hour, which, in addition to leaving minimum wage workers still severely
impoverished, would make many of these workers ineligible for public
assistance programs such as food stamps, housing subsidies and Medicaid.
In part, Harris’s comparative lack of skill at populist posturing is
rooted in her own life circumstances. She earned six-figure incomes for
decades and is now a millionaire many times over. According to her tax
returns, released in April, she and her husband, wealthy lawyer Douglas
Emhoff, had an adjusted gross income of $1,884,319 in 2018, putting them
comfortably in the top 0.1 percent. The bulk of this came from Emhoff’s
entertainment law practice, while Harris made $157,352 in Senate salary
and $320,125 in net profits from her campaign memoir.
While Harris has been half-hearted and inconsistent in her attempts at
social demagogy—not the natural bent of someone who spent most of her
career putting people in jail or defending police atrocities against the
working class—she has shown somewhat more energy in embracing identity
politics, which she has previously invoked as the “first black and
female” DA of San Francisco, the “first black and female” attorney
general of California, and currently as the only black and female US
senator.
Harris jumped on the #MeToo bandwagon, being among the first to call for
the resignation of Minnesota Senator Al Franken over accusations of
sexual misconduct. These demands were made in spite of the fact that
none of the allegations had been proven and even if they had, none would
have risen even to the level of a misdemeanor criminal charge.
Harris introduced a bill known as the Maternal CARE ACT to address
racial disparities in the care of expectant black mothers which have led
to pregnancy-related deaths happening at a rate of 3.3 times more than
white mothers. The bill was introduced after a May 10 report released by
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).
The CDC report largely recommends a more scientific approach to the
issue, including greater access to prenatal programs and other services
for expectant mothers, temporary housing programs, better adoption of
sepsis, hemorrhage, and transfusion protocols among medical personnel,
etc. Harris’s Maternal CARE Act, on the other hand, roots the problem in
race and particularly in what she alleges to be the conscious and
widespread bias of health care practitioners. The bill would earmark
$150 million to identify high risk pregnancies in order to “provide new
mothers with the culturally competent care and resources they need.”
At this point in the campaign, it can be said that Harris, more so than
any other candidate, has taken up the reactionary mantle of identity
politics. In that sense, she has taken her cue from the 2016 campaign of
Hillary Clinton. The senator’s younger sister, Maya Harris, was a senior
policy adviser to Clinton’s 2016 campaign and currently works as
chairwoman for the Harris 2020 campaign.
The younger Harris also works as a political analyst for MSNBC and is
married to Tony West, general counsel for Uber and former United States
Associate Attorney General in the Obama administration. Maya Harris also
edited drafts of Stanford University law professor Michelle Alexander’s
2010 book, The New Jim Crow. The work, which spent a significant amount
of time on the New York Times bestseller list, argued that a new racial
caste system existed in the United States, largely enforced by the
actions of poor whites, which far outweighed any and all considerations
of class as a significant social division.
There can be no doubt that if Harris were to succeed in her presidential
run, the bourgeois media would subject the public to a constant
propaganda barrage, celebrating the transformative character of the
first female president and the first black female president at that.
Harris, who is of Jamaican and Indian descent, is only the third woman
of African descent to run for the office.
This would in no way change the fact that a Harris administration would
be as reactionary as Trump and Obama before her.
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