With U.S. Aid, Warlord Builds an Afghan Empire

[Cees Binkhorst]

REPLY TO: D66 at nic.surfnet.nl

Uruzgan? Zitten wij daar niet?
Nooit van die meneer Matiullah Khan gehoord!
Krijgen onze jongens commissie over die USD2,5miljoen per maand?

Groet / Cees

June 5, 2010
With U.S. Aid, Warlord Builds an Afghan Empire
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/06/world/asia/06warlords.html


            By DEXTER FILKINS
            <http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/f/dexter_filkins/index.html?inline=nyt-per>

TIRIN KOT, Afghanistan --- The most powerful man in this arid stretch of
southern Afghanistan
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/afghanistan/index.html?inline=nyt-geo>
is not the provincial governor, nor the police chief, nor even the
commander of the Afghan Army.
It is Matiullah Khan, the head of a private army that earns millions of
dollars guarding NATO
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/n/north_atlantic_treaty_organization/index.html?inline=nyt-org>
supply convoys and fights Taliban
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/t/taliban/index.html?inline=nyt-org>
insurgents alongside American Special Forces.
In little more than two years, Mr. Matiullah, an illiterate former
highway patrol commander, has grown stronger than the government of
Oruzgan Province, not only supplanting its role in providing security
but usurping its other functions, his rivals say, like appointing public
employees and doling out government largess. His fighters run missions
with American Special Forces officers, and when Afghan officials have
confronted him, he has either rebuffed them or had them removed.
"Oruzgan used to be the worst place in Afghanistan, and now it's the
safest," Mr. Matiullah said in an interview in his compound here, where
supplicants gather each day to pay homage and seek money and help. "What
should we do? The officials are cowards and thieves."
Mr. Matiullah is one of several semiofficial warlords who have emerged
across Afghanistan in recent months, as American and NATO officers try
to bolster --- and sometimes even supplant --- ineffective regular
Afghan forces in their battle against the Taliban insurgency.
In some cases, these strongmen have restored order, though at the price
of undermining the very institutions Americans are seeking to build:
government structures like police forces and provincial administrations
that one day are supposed to be strong enough to allow the Americans and
other troops to leave.
In other places around the country, Afghan gunmen have come to the fore
as the heads of private security companies or as militia commanders,
independent of any government control. In these cases, the warlords not
only have risen from anarchy but have helped to spread it.
For the Americans, who are racing to secure the country against a
deadline set by President Obama
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/o/barack_obama/index.html?inline=nyt-per>,
the emergence of such strongmen is seen as a lesser evil, despite how
compromised many of them are. In Mr. Matiullah's case, American
commanders appear to have set aside reports that he connives with both
drug smugglers and Taliban insurgents.
"The institutions of the government, in security and military terms, are
not yet strong enough to be able to provide security," said Maj. Gen.
Nick Carter <http://www.nato.int/isaf/structure/bio/rc_s/carter.html>,
commander of NATO forces in southern Afghanistan. "But the situation is
unsustainable and clearly needs to be resolved."
Many Afghans say the Americans and their NATO partners are making a
grave mistake by tolerating or encouraging warlords like Mr. Matiullah.
These Afghans fear the Americans will leave behind an Afghan government
too weak to do its work, and strongmen without any popular support.
"Matiullah is an illiterate guy using the government for his own
interest," said Mohammed Essa, a tribal leader in Tirin Kot, the Oruzgan
provincial capital. "Once the Americans leave, he won't last. And then
what will we have?"
*Building a Fortune*
Mr. Matiullah does not look like one of the aging, pot-bellied warlords
from Afghanistan's bygone wars. Long and thin, he wears black silk
turbans and extends a pinky when he gestures to make a point. Mr.
Matiullah's army is an unusual hybrid, too: a booming private business
and a government-subsidized militia.
His main effort --- and his biggest money maker --- is securing the
chaotic highway linking Kandahar to Tirin Kot for NATO convoys. One day
each week, Mr. Matiullah declares the 100-mile highway open and deploys
his gunmen up and down it. The highway cuts through an area thick with
Taliban insurgents.
Mr. Matiullah keeps the highway safe, and he is paid well to do it. His
company charges each NATO cargo truck $1,200 for safe passage, or $800
for smaller ones, his aides say. His income, according to one of his
aides, is $2.5 million a month, an astronomical sum in a country as
impoverished as this one.
"It's suicide to come up this road without Matiullah's men," said
Mohammed, a driver hauling stacks of sandbags and light fixtures to the
Dutch base in Tirin Kot. The Afghan government even picks up a good
chunk of Mr. Matiullah's expenses. Under an arrangement with the
Ministry of the Interior, the government pays for roughly 600 of Mr.
Matiullah's 1,500 fighters, including Mr. Matiullah himself, despite the
fact that the force is not under the government's control.
"The government tried to shut him down, and when they couldn't, they
agreed to pay for his men," said Martine van Bijlert, a co-director of
the Afghanistan Analysts Network
<http://aan-afghanistan.com/index.asp?id=1>, an independent organization
here. NATO commanders say they reluctantly pay Mr. Matiullah (and others
like him) for his services because they have no other way of moving
their convoys across dangerous territory. Having their own men do it,
they say, would take them away from other tasks.
*American Support*
But Mr. Matiullah's role has grown beyond just business. His militia has
been adopted by American Special Forces officers to gather intelligence
and fight insurgents. Mr. Matiullah's compound sits about 100 yards from
the American Special Forces compound in Tirin Kot. A Special Forces
officer, willing to speak about Mr. Matiullah only on the condition of
anonymity, said his unit had an extensive relationship with Mr.
Matiullah. "Matiullah is the best there is here," the officer said.
With his NATO millions, and the American backing, Mr. Matiullah has
grown into the strongest political and economic force in the region. He
estimates that his salaries support 15,000 people in this impoverished
province. He has built 70 mosques with his own money, endowed
scholarships in Kabul and begun holding weekly meetings with area tribal
leaders. His latest venture is a rock-crushing company that sells gravel
to NATO bases.
This has irritated some local leaders, who say that the line between Mr.
Matiullah's business interest and the government has disappeared.
"What law says that a police officer can have a private security
company?" said Juma Gul Hemat, the Oruzgan police chief, whose office is
a few hundred yards from Mr. Matiullah's.
"Many times I have confronted Matiullah over his illegal business,"
Chief Hemat said. "But as long as the Americans are behind him, there is
nothing I can do. They are the ones with the money."
Both General Carter and Hanif Atmar, the Afghan interior minister, said
they hoped to disband Mr. Matiullah's militia soon --- or at least to
bring it under formal government control. Mr. Matiullah's operation, the
officials said, is one of at least 23 private security companies working
in the area without any government license or oversight.
General Carter said that while he had no direct proof in Mr. Matiullah's
case, he harbored more general worries that the legions of unregulated
Afghan security companies had a financial interest in prolonging chaos.
In Mr. Matiullah's case, he said, that would mean attacking people who
refused to use his security service or enlisting the Taliban to do it.
Local Afghans said that Mr. Matiullah had done both of those things,
although they would not speak publicly for fear of retribution.
"Does he make deals and pay people to attack?" General Carter said. "I'm
not aware of that."
Last fall, Mr. Atmar summoned Mr. Matiullah to his office and told him
he wanted to give Mr. Matiullah's army a license and a government
contract. The warlord walked out.
"I told him that it's my men who are doing the fighting and dying," Mr.
Matiullah said. "The guys in Kabul want to steal the money."
Mr. Matiullah is causing other problems, Mr. Atmar said, alienating
members of Afghan tribes not his own. He has also begun charging Afghans
to ride on the highway.
"Parallel structures of government create problems for the rule of law,"
Mr. Atmar said. Along the highway linking Kandahar and Tirin Kot, many
of Mr. Matiullah's soldiers drive Afghan police trucks and wear Afghan
police uniforms. Posters of Mr. Matiullah are plastered to their
windshields.
"There is no doubt about it --- the people of Oruzgan love Matiullah!"
said Fareed Ayel, one of Mr. Matiullah's officers on the route. "The
government people are not honest."
Like many of Mr. Matiullah's men, Mr. Ayel quit the police to join his
militia, which paid him a better salary.
Indeed, many people in Tirin Kot praise Mr. Matiullah for the toughness
of his fighters and for keeping the road open. Mr. Matiullah claims to
have lost more than 100 men fighting the Taliban. Recently, he and
several of his fighters followed an American Special Forces unit to
Geezab, where the Taliban had been expelled after six years.
*Persistent Suspicions*
But doubts persist about Mr. Matiullah, especially about what he does
when Afghan and American officials are somewhere else. An American
intelligence report prepared for senior American commanders last spring
listed a number of associates of Ahmed Wali Karzai
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/k/ahmed_wali_karzai/index.html?inline=nyt-per>,
President Hamid Karzai
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/k/hamid_karzai/index.html?inline=nyt-per>'s
brother and the chairman of the provincial council of Kandahar Province,
who were suspected of involvement in the country's opium trade. The
report listed Mr. Matiullah as one of the suspects, but provided few
details.
A former senior official in the Kandahar government, who spoke on the
condition of anonymity for fear of retribution by Mr. Matiullah and the
Karzais, said he believed that Mr. Matiullah was facilitating the
movement of drugs along the highway to Kandahar.
"I was never able to look inside those trucks, but if I had, I am fairly
certain what I would have found," he said.
Despite his relationship to the Special Forces, Mr. Matiullah has been
suspected of playing a double game with the Taliban. Asked about Mr.
Matiullah earlier this year, an American military officer in Kabul
admitted that Mr. Matiullah was believed to have a relationship with
insurgents. He spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was
discussing intelligence matters.
Asked again recently, the same officer said that Mr. Matiullah was
suspected of drug smuggling. He provided no details. The next day, after
consulting intelligence officers, the officer said Mr. Matiullah was a
trusted ally. "Their assessment about him has changed," he said.
Mr. Matiullah denied any contact with either insurgents or drug
smugglers. "Never," he said.
Like many Afghan leaders close to the Americans, Mr. Matiullah got his
start after the fall of the Taliban in 2001, when the Americans were in
desperate need of allies. Within a few years, Mr. Matiullah was the head
of the Highway Police in Oruzgan Province.
In 2006, out of concern that legions of officers were working with drug
traffickers, the entire agency was abolished.
"The highway police was one huge drug smuggling operation," said a
former Western diplomat, who was based here at the time of President
Karzai's order.
Mr. Matiullah's army is part of a constellation of militias and security
companies, many of them unregistered and unregulated, that claim at
least some loyalty to Ahmed Wali Karzai, who is widely acknowledged to
be the most powerful man in southern Afghanistan. "Ahmed Wali is my
friend, my close friend!" Mr. Matiullah said earlier this year, offering
to put him on the telephone for this reporter.
In a second, more recent, interview, Mr. Matiullah said he and Mr.
Karzai had no relationship at all.
Both Ahmed Wali Karzai and Mr. Matiullah are associates of Jan Mohammed
Khan, a former governor of Oruzgan Province and Mr. Matiullah's
father-in-law. Mr. Khan was removed from Oruzgan Province at the
insistence of the Dutch in 2006 because of concerns that he was close to
the drug trade. He is now an adviser to President Karzai.
Those relationships, Mr. Matiullah's detractors say, allow him to flourish.
"Matiullah is not part of the government, he is stronger than the
government, and he can do anything he wants," said Mr. Essa, the tribal
elder in Tirin Kot. "He is like the younger brother of Ahmed Wali. He is
protected in Kabul."
At a recent meeting inside the American Special Forces compound here,
Mr. Matiullah was approached by an elderly Afghan beggar who hobbled up
and then stood at attention and saluted in military fashion. Without
hesitating --- indeed, without even looking --- Mr. Matiullah pulled a
wad of money out of his pocket and pressed it into the man's withered
hands.
"Long live Matiullah, you are the best," the old man said.
"O.K., O.K.," Mr. Matiullah said. "Now I am busy."



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