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<h2 class="entry-title"><a
href="https://merip.org/paupress/profile/23082">Amy Austin
Holmes</a> “Arabs Across Syria Join the Kurdish-Led Syrian
Democratic Forces,” <em>Middle East Report Online</em>, July
28, 2020.<br>
<span style="color:#ff0000;"></span></h2>
<h2 class="entry-title"><span style="color:#ff0000;">Arabs Across
Syria Join the Kurdish-Led Syrian Democratic Forces</span></h2>
<h4 class="merip-meta">A Profile of Arab Recruits from Aleppo,
Al-Hasakah, Deir Ezzor, Homs, Ras al-Ayn and Raqqa</h4>
<div class="merip-meta"><a
href="https://merip.org/paupress/profile/23082">Amy Austin
Holmes</a> 07.28.2020</div>
</div>
<div class="entry-content">[Forthcoming in MER issue 295 “Kurdistan,
One and Many”]</div>
<div class="entry-content"><br>
</div>
<span class="su-dropcap su-dropcap-style-simple"><strong>I</strong></span>n
2012, as the so-called Arab Spring protests in Damascus and
elsewhere in Syria descended into a brutal civil war, President
Bashar al-Asad withdrew his forces from northern Syria to turn their
guns on rebels in the south. Into the vacuum stepped the Democratic
Union Party (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat, or PYD) and their armed
wing, the People’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, or
YPG)—which set up a rudimentary Autonomous Administration in three
cantons: Afrin, Kobane and Jazira. Surrounded by enemies, the three
cantons that declared self-rule were not even connected to each
other. As non-contiguous regions abutting the Turkish border, it was
difficult and at times impossible to travel from one to the other or
share vital resources. Their chances of survival were slim.<img
class=" wp-image-99393"
src="https://merip.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/RTX3FEG0-768x496.jpg"
alt="" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-99393" width="550"
height="355">
<p>Then in 2014 militants from the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria
(ISIS) surged across both the Turkish and Iraqi borders into
Syria, declared Raqqa as the capital of their Caliphate and
proceeded to establish a government that, among other egregious
practices, sanctioned slave markets where Yezidi women and
children were traded. In 2016, 2018 and 2019, <a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/turkish-intervention-in-syria-heightens-authoritarianism-in-turkey-and-fragmentation-in-syria/">Turkish</a>
military incursions into Syria—with help from what is now known as
the Syrian National Army—aimed to dislodge the YPG from areas near
the border, resulting in mass displacement of civilians including
Kurds, Yezidis, Arabs and Assyrian-Syriac Christians.<a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_edn1"
name="_ednref1">[1]</a></p>
<p>Led by Kurds, the YPG evolved over time into the Syrian
Democratic Forces (SDF): a multi-ethnic, multi-religious force in
which all the indigenous peoples of the region are represented.
Arabs, Assyrians, Armenians, Yezidis, Circassians and Turkmen have
fought alongside Kurds to defend their homeland. By 2019, when the
SDF had liberated all of Syrian territory from ISIS control, there
were some 100,000 fighters (including SDF and Internal Security
Forces) under the leadership of SDF commander-in-chief Mazlum
Abdi, a Syrian Kurd and former Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)
cadre.<a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_edn2"
name="_ednref2">[2]</a> The majority of his rank-and-file
fighters, however, were Arabs. While conscription can account for
some of this growth, it does not tell the whole story. Until
today, the rules on mandatory conscription have never been
implemented in several Arab-majority regions; in previous years
there was even less enforcement. Furthermore, conscription is
limited to one year and only applies to men. How was a sister
militia of the PKK—an organization founded in Turkey that
historically fought for an independent Kurdistan—able to
successfully recruit and retain tens of thousands of Syrian Arabs
for multiple years? What sort of political project did they create
and endorse that retained the loyalty of an ethnically diverse
coalition?</p>
<p>My <a
href="https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/sdfs-arab-majority-rank-turkey-the-biggest-threat-to-ne-syria-survey-data-americas">field
survey</a> of over 300 SDF members reveals that there are three
main reasons for the SDF’s success in recruiting and retaining
Arabs: First, the SDF offered material incentives such as salaries
and training opportunities.<a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_edn3"
name="_ednref3">[3]</a> Second, the existence of a common
threat—first ISIS and now Turkey—solidified bonds between Kurds
and Arabs and also prompted many to enlist. Third, the survey
shows that many Arab members of the SDF support at least some, if
not all, of the basic political principles upon which the SDF and
the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) are
based.</p>
<p><br>
</p>
<p>[...]</p>
<p><br>
</p>
<p>
</p>
<p><em>[Amy Austin Holmes is a fellow at the Wilson Center and
former associate professor at the American University in Cairo
and visiting scholar at Harvard University.]</em> </p>
<hr>
<h3><strong>Endnotes</strong></h3>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref1"
name="_edn1">[1]</a> <a
href="https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports/2019/11/12/displacement-and-despair-the-turkish-invasion-of-northeast-syria">“Displacement
and Despair: The Turkish Invasion of Northeast Syria,” </a>Refugees
International, November 13, 2019.</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref2"
name="_edn2">[2]</a> “Operation Inherent Resolve,” Lead
Inspector General Report to the US Congress, April 1, 2019–June
30, 2019, p. 29-30.</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref3"
name="_edn3">[3]</a> Amy Austin Holmes, “<a
href="https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/sdfs-arab-majority-rank-turkey-the-biggest-threat-to-ne-syria-survey-data-americas">SDF’s
Arab Majority Rank Turkey as the Number One Threat to NE Syria:
Survey Data on America’s Partner Forces</a>,” The Wilson Center,
October 2019.</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref4"
name="_edn4">[4]</a> Harriet Allsopp and Wladimir van
Wilgenburg, <em>The Kurds of Northern Syria: Governance,
Diversity, and Conflicts</em> (Bloomsbury: 2019), p. 71.</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref5"
name="_edn5">[5]</a> The announcement was made on Twitter on
July 10, 2017: “Announcing the first battalion of Arab women:
Martyr Brigade Amara.” <a
href="https://twitter.com/cihan_shekh/status/884470244969992192?s=20">https://twitter.com/cihan_shekh/status/884470244969992192?s=20</a></p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref6"
name="_edn6">[6]</a> Patrick Haenni and Arthur Quesnay, “<a
href="http://middleeastdirections.eu/new-publication-wpcs-surviving-the-aftermath-of-islamic-state-the-syrian-kurdish-movements-resilience-strategy-patrick-haenni-and-arthur-quesnay/">Surviving
the Aftermath of the Islamic State: The Syrian Kurdish
Movement’s Resilience Strategy</a>,” European University
Institute, Research Project Report, February 17, 2020.</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref7"
name="_edn7">[7]</a> Written Testimony of Charles R. Lister,
Senior Fellow and Director of Countering Extremism and Terrorism,
Middle East Institute to the United States House Committee on
Foreign Affairs Middle East and North Africa Sub-Committee,
February 6, 2018, p. 5.</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref8"
name="_edn8">[8]</a> Interviews at a gathering of the Tribal
Reconciliation Center near Tabqa in March 2019. I made a short
video with one of the speakers, available here: <a
href="https://twitter.com/AmyAustinHolmes/status/1102320294818205696?s=20"
rel="nofollow">https://twitter.com/AmyAustinHolmes/status/1102320294818205696?s=20</a></p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref9"
name="_edn9">[9]</a> Interview with the head of a large Arab
tribe in eastern Syria, July 2019.</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref10"
name="_edn10">[10]</a> The word Rojava is derived from the word
“roj” which means “sun” in Kurmanci. Rojava means Western
Kurdistan, or the land where the sun sets. Kurds refer to the
other three parts of Kurdistan as Rojhelat, or Eastern Kurdistan
(in Iran), Bakur or Northern Kurdistan (in Turkey), and <em>Başûr</em>
or Southern Kurdistan (in Iraq).</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref11"
name="_edn11">[11]</a> Renée In der Maur and Jonas Staal in
dialogue with Dilar Dirik, eds, “<a
href="https://www.bakonline.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/NWA-Reader-5.pdf">Stateless
Democracy with the Kurdish Women’s Movement</a>,” New World
Academy Reader #5 (BAK, basis voor actuele kunst, 2015).</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref12"
name="_edn12">[12]</a> On June 29, 2019 General Mazloum signed a
United Nations action plan to end the use of minors in the SDF.
Anna Varfolomeeva, “<a
href="https://www.thedefensepost.com/2019/07/02/syria-sdf-child-soldiers-un-action-plan/">SDF
Signs UN Plan to End Use of Children in Syrian Conflict</a>,” <em>The
Defense Post</em>, July 2, 2019.</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref13"
name="_edn13">[13]</a> Hassan Hassan, “What ISIS Did to my
Village,” <em>The Atlantic</em>, April 27, 2019.</p>
<p><a
href="https://merip.org/2020/07/arabs-across-syria-join-the-kurdish-led-syrian-democratic-forces/?fbclid=IwAR2D07BOKEBEJ2XmyTPXvvs76B-rkUn1Nb8drdAXE3xHc5InqmZF1iLSHxo#_ednref14"
name="_edn14">[14]</a> Fabrice Balanche, “The Fragile Status Quo
in Northeast Syria,” The Washington Institute for Near East
Policy, July 1, 2020.</p>
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 30-07-2020 11:04, R.O. wrote:<br>
</div>
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