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"Si l’idée communiste a essentiellement à voir avec l’égalité, la
question se pose alors de savoir quelle peut être la nature de
l’égalité accompagnant une inégalité substantielle, reconnue, des
contributions, et qui ne nie pas l’asymétrie de ces situations où
la force d’une proposition initiale donne objectivement aux autres
contributions un caractère auxiliaire. Voilà donc l’équation
communiste : quelle forme d’égalité réaliser sous le legs de la
division du travail ? – et notamment du plus pesant de ses
héritages, à <b>savoir la séparation princeps de la
« conception » et de l’ « exécution ». <font color="#ff0000">P167</font>"</b><br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
On 25-03-13 20:48, Nord wrote:<br>
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-------- Original Message --------
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<th nowrap="nowrap" valign="BASELINE" align="RIGHT">Subject:
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<td># SPINOZA /// Episode 1: The Marxian Reading of
Capitalism through a Spinozist Conceptology</td>
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<th nowrap="nowrap" valign="BASELINE" align="RIGHT">Date:
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<td>Mon, 25 Mar 2013 07:58:58 +0100</td>
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<th nowrap="nowrap" valign="BASELINE" align="RIGHT">From:
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<td>Nord <a moz-do-not-send="true"
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href="mailto:protocosmos@home.nl"><protocosmos@home.nl></a></td>
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href="http://thefunambulist.net/2013/03/24/spinoza-episode-1-the-marxian-reading-of-capitalism-through-a-spinozist-conceptology/">http://thefunambulist.net/2013/03/24/spinoza-episode-1-the-marxian-reading-of-capitalism-through-a-spinozist-conceptology/</a><br>
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0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"># SPINOZA ///
Episode 1: The Marxian Reading of Capitalism through a
Spinozist Conceptology</h1>
<div class="entry-meta" style="border: 0px; font-family:
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vertical-align: baseline;">Posted on</span><span
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href="http://thefunambulist.net/2013/03/24/spinoza-episode-1-the-marxian-reading-of-capitalism-through-a-spinozist-conceptology/"
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title="Comment on # SPINOZA /// Episode 1: The Marxian
Reading of Capitalism through a Spinozist Conceptology"
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<div class="entry-content" style="border: 0px; font-family:
Georgia, 'Bitstream Charter', serif; font-style: normal;
font-weight: normal; margin: 0.85em 0px 0px; outline: 0px;
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<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://thefunambulistdotnet.files.wordpress.com/2013/03/spinoza-bill.jpeg"
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51,
51);"><img class="alignnone size-full wp-image-12229"
alt="spinoza bill"
src="cid:part5.01050702.05020003@gmail.com"
style="border: 0px; max-width: 100%; width: auto;
height: auto;" height="341" width="500"></a></p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Today, I am starting a series of
articles about 17th century Portuguese-Dutch philosopher<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><strong
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Baruch Spinoza</strong><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>and thus dedicates
to his work a ‘week’ like I did<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://thefunambulist.net/2011/06/20/deleuze-constitution-of-an-archive/"
target="_blank" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
color: rgb(51, 51, 51);">two years ago for Gilles Deleuze</a><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>and<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://thefunambulist.net/2012/06/20/foucault-episode-1-michel-foucaults-architectural-underestimation/"
target="_blank" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
color: rgb(51, 51, 51);">last year for Michel Foucault</a>.</p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">The first article of this week will
attempt to examine how Spinoza can supply a terminology, or
rather, a<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><em
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">conceptology</em><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>to extend the sharp
analysis of capitalism made by Karl Marx in the 19th century
to a its neo-liberal version we have been experiencing for
the last thirty years. In order to do so, I would use a
particular chapter from the book<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://www.lafabrique.fr/catalogue.php?idArt=530"
target="_blank" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><strong style="border: 0px;
font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-weight:
bold; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;
vertical-align: baseline;"><em style="border: 0px;
font-family: inherit; font-style: italic; font-weight:
inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;
vertical-align: baseline;">Capitalisme, désir et
servitude: Marx et Spinoza</em></strong></a>(Capitalism,
desire and servitude, Marx and Spinoza) written by<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://www.fredericlordon.fr/" target="_blank"
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; color: rgb(51, 51,
51);"><strong style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Frédéric
Lordon</strong></a><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>and
published by the always excellent publisher<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a
moz-do-not-send="true" href="http://www.lafabrique.fr/"
target="_blank" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
color: rgb(51, 51, 51);">La Fabrique</a><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>in 2010.</p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Through this book, F. Lordon depicts,
among other things, the two important shifts of paradigms in
capitalism that occurred since the publication of<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><strong
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Das Kapital</strong>,
in order for it to survive against the potentiality of a
revolution prophetized by Marx when he was observing the
continuous production of a discontented working class. The
first shift of paradigm, often known as Fordism, occurred in
the first part of the 20th century and consisted in a neat
amplification of the production rhythm associated with the
integration of the working class itself in the mass
consumption of their own product. The second shift of
paradigm, closer to us, examined how the working class
(which also shifted for a big part of it, from the industry
to the realms of services) could gain in productivity by
integrating it to an ideology of “self-accomplishment” that
could apparently relate to the Spinozist idea of<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><em style="border:
0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;
font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding:
0px; vertical-align: baseline;">joyful affect</em><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(for a very basic
introduction to his concepts, you can read my text<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://thefunambulist.net/2010/12/18/philosophy-architectures-of-joy-a-spinozist-reading-of-parentvirilio-and-arakawagins%E2%80%99-architecture/"
target="_blank" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
color: rgb(51, 51, 51);">Architectures of Joy</a><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>from 2010). For
Spinoza, the servitude is anyway universal as all our acts
are determined by the sum of circumstances that caused it
(much more about that in a upcoming article), but we can
nevertheless increase our power (<em style="border: 0px;
font-family: inherit; font-style: italic; font-weight:
inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;
vertical-align: baseline;">potentia</em><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>in latin, more on
that soon too) by acquiring the knowledge of the causes of
our behavior. As we know too well, strategies of<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><em style="border:
0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;
font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding:
0px; vertical-align: baseline;">inducing</em><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>do not allow the
subject to understand the context of his decisions better
than an assembly line worker in the beginning of the 20th
century and therefore force it to remain within the<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><em style="border:
0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;
font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding:
0px; vertical-align: baseline;">sad affects.</em></p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;"><span id="more-12228" style="border:
0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit;
font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding:
0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></span></p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">So far, I was evoking the book in its
entirety but in order to be precise, I would like to examine
more particularly a specific chapter entitled<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><strong
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><em
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Alors le
(ré)communisme!</em></strong><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>The neologism of<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><em style="border:
0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;
font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding:
0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(ré)communisme</em><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>is a French play on
word insisting on the idea of revisiting communism, but more
importantly to oppose to the<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><em style="border:
0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;
font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding:
0px; vertical-align: baseline;">respublica<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></em>(the public
thing) the <em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">rescommuna</em><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(the common thing)
as two different models of society. It is interesting to
observe how F. Lordon is slowly introducing this new
model: (the original French version is at the end of the
article, the translation is mine but since the text is
difficult to translate for the multiple meanings each
important word carries, I left the word used by him in
parenthesis)</p>
<blockquote style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 30px
1.7em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
quotes: '', '';">
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">The starting point was the
following: someone wants to do something that needs
several people to achieve. This community of action is in
its very essence a political community if we attribute the
political status to any situation that composes powers (<i
style="font-style: italic;">puissance</i>) of action
[…]. The question is then about the constitution of this
entrepreneurial political community. This implies the
genetic dimension of the mechanisms for which the
community emerges, as well as the constitutionality of the
formal as the formal layouts (<i style="font-style:
italic;">agencements</i>) that rule its function once it
is assembled. What are the desirable relationships for
which a company (<i style="font-style: italic;">entreprise</i>)
can be constituted when it is conceived as an association
of powers (<i style="font-style: italic;">puissance)</i><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>of action?</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">While condemning the relationships of
servitude created by capitalism, F. Lordon also introduces a
form of doubt in the sacred equality enforced by communism
in its orthodox version (presented as the only alternative
to capitalism for many years). His discourse is, of course,
mostly focused on the realms of companies; however, in order
to make his point clearer, he uses the example of the
creative process of a theater play (from here, I translated
the ambivalent term of<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><em
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">entreprise</em><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(both company and
project as the same time) with the English word of<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><em style="border:
0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;
font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding:
0px; vertical-align: baseline;">enterprise<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></em>that needs to
be understood with those two simultaneous meanings as well):</p>
<blockquote style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 30px
1.7em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
quotes: '', '';">
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">A playwright comes with an amazing
text: who would deny that his contribution is not of the
same nature than the one of the electricians and the
costume designers? who would contest his status of power (<i
style="font-style: italic;">puissance</i>) authentically
creative? Yet, he needs electricians and costume designers
so that the show could occur and that his genius text
could be transmitted to the public. The problem is never
tackled this way as the immediate solution brought by the
wage relationship (<i style="font-style: italic;">rapport</i>)
in the form of a supplied hired manpower made it forgotten
as a problem. To find back its meaning, we need to achieve
the thought experiment that consists in imagining which
kind of political arrangements would emerge so that the
collective enterprise would be withdrawn from the
structure of wage relationship (<i style="font-style:
italic;">rapport</i>).<br>
<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">[...]</em><br>
If the communist idea is essentially related to the notion
of equality, the question is then to wonder what can be
the nature of equality in the context of a substantial,
recognized inequality of contributions, and how not to
deny the asymmetry of these situations in which the
strength of an initial proposition makes the other
contributions appear as auxiliary. Here is the communist
equation: which form of equality can we realize in the
context of the division of work and its heaviest
inheritance, the fundamental separation between
‘conception’ and ‘execution’?</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">This latter point is important as it
bring back Marx’s contempt for the strict division of work
as it was invented by the mass production of goods. F.
Lordon later insists that, even in relatively ‘democratic’
working environments, it is rare to see a person sometimes
in charge of the lights and some other times in charge of
the play-writing. There is no real redistribution of the
roles depending on the desire and inspiration of each person
involved in the enterprise.</p>
<blockquote style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 30px
1.7em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
quotes: '', '';">
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">If the complete solution of the
communist equation consists in a restructuration of the
division of desire that shares the chances of conception –
and symmetrically the execution tasks too – nobody
indicated better than Etienne Balibar its horizon
(Spinozist as well as Marxian) : “ To be as many as
possible to think the most as possible.”</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Finally, F. Lordon introduces his
model of<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><em
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">(ré)communisme</em><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>as an alternative
based on the principle above. He then describes an
enterprise that would adopt this model as a working
paradigm. Such a description can make us recall the
Argentinean <a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://www.fabricasrecuperadas.org.ar/"
target="_blank" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><em style="border: 0px;
font-family: inherit; font-style: italic; font-weight:
inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px;
vertical-align: baseline;">fábricas recuperadas</em></a>,
factories took over by their workers when their owner wanted
to liquidate them after the 2001 economical crisis. The new
system set-up by the workers involves (in addition of a
unique salary) a democratic process of decision making.</p>
<blockquote style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 30px
1.7em; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
quotes: '', '';">
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Since they put a part of their life
in an enterprise, its members can only exit the enrolment
relationship (<i style="font-style: italic;">rapport</i>),
born from a monarchical constitution (the<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i
style="font-style: italic;">imperium</i><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>of the
master-desire), by sharing, beyond the object itself, the
entire control of the conditions of the collective pursuit
of the object, and finally by affirming the indisputable
right to be fully associated to what they are affected by.
What the productive enterprise has to fabricate, in which
quantity, with which rhythm, which volume, which wage
structure, which reattribution for the surplus, how it
will accommodate variations to its environment: none of
these things can escape to the common deliberation since
they all have common consequences. The very simple
recommunist (<i style="font-style: italic;">récommuniste</i>)
principle is thus that what affects everyone should be the
object of everyone, i.e. constitutionally and equally
debated by everyone.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">As a conclusion, we might want to go
back from where we left, the philosophy of Spinoza, by using
its Deleuzian interpretation to explain the notion of
freedom:<em style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit;
font-style: italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">There
is no freedom, only forms of liberation</em>. In other
words, if we follow the writings of Spinoza absolutely (i.e.
as diagrams we might say), one is never free as (s)he is
subjected to a form of determinism, however (and maybe in a
less orthodoxic reading) one can get involved in processes
of liberation by participating to a power (<em
style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
italic; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px;
padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">potentia</em><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>again) that is
‘bigger’ than him or her. This power is called God (i.e.
nature or the world to put it maybe too simply) in Spinoza’s
philosophy. However, in his political project, which is in
complete agreement with his philosophy but founds itself on
more pragmatic bases, this ‘bigger’ power can be more simply
the harmonious composition of a collective enterprise. In F.
Lordon’s interpretation of the latter, it might not be
functioning in a strict equality, but rather in the shared
association of skills and desires, the regular shift of
roles, and the systematic access to the decision process
that makes this enterprise exist and operate.</p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Original French version of the
excerpts:</p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Frédéric Lordon, Capitalisme, désir et
servitude: Marx et Spinoza, Paris: La Fabrique, 2010.</p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">[…] le point de départ était ceci :
quelqu’un a envie de faire quelque chose qui nécessite
d’être plusieurs. Cette communauté d’action est<span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span><i
style="font-style: italic;">ipso facto</i><span
class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>une communauté
politique si on donne le nom de politique à toute situation
de composition de puissance d’agir […]. La question est
alors celle de la constitution de cette communauté politique
d’entreprise, aussi bien au sens génétique des mécanismes
par lesquels la communauté vient à se former qu’au sens
« constitutionnel » des agencements formels qui en régissent
les fonctionnements une fois assemblée. Quels sont les
rapports désirables sous lesquels peut se constituer une
entreprise conçue très généralement comme un concours de
puissances d’agir ? P164</p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Un dramaturge survient porteur d’un
texte inouï: qui niera que cette contribution-là n’est pas
de même nature que celle des éclairagistes et des
costumiers? qui lui contestera son caractère de puissance
authentiquement créatrice ? Et pourtant il faut des
éclairagistes et des costumiers pour que le spectacle ait
lieu et que le texte génial soit porte à la connaissance du
public. Le problème n’est jamais posé en ces termes car la
solution « immédiate » que lui apporte le rapport salarial
sous la forme d’une fourniture de main-d’œuvre employée a
fini par le faire oublier comme problème. En retrouver le
sens suppose l’expérience de pensée consistant à imaginer
quels arrangements politiques devraient se former pour que
l’entreprise collective voie le jour<i style="font-style:
italic;">retirées des structures du rapport salarial</i>.
P166</p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Si l’idée communiste a essentiellement
à voir avec l’égalité, la question se pose alors de savoir
quelle peut être la nature de l’égalité accompagnant une
inégalité substantielle, reconnue, des contributions, et qui
ne nie pas l’asymétrie de ces situations où la force d’une
proposition initiale donne objectivement aux autres
contributions un caractère auxiliaire. Voilà donc l’équation
communiste : quelle forme d’égalité réaliser sous le legs de
la division du travail ? – et notamment du plus pesant de
ses héritages, à savoir la séparation princeps de la
« conception » et de l’ « exécution ». P167</p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Si la solution complète de l’équation
communiste consiste en une restructuration de la division du
désir qui repartage les chances de conception – et
symétriquement redistribue les taches d’exécution […] – nul
n’en a indiqué comme Etienne Balibar l’horizon (spinoziste
autant que marxien) : « Etre le plus nombreux à penser le
plus possible. » P168</p>
<p style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style:
inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin: 0px 0px 1.7em;
outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;
text-align: justify;">Puisque c’est une part de leur vie
qu’ils mettent en commun dans une entreprise, ses membres ne
sortent du rapport d’enrôlement, dual par construction d’une
constitution de type monarchique (l’<i style="font-style:
italic;">imperium</i><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>du
désir-maitre), qu’en partageant au-delà de l’objet,
l’entière maitrise des conditions de la poursuite collective
de l’objet, et finalement en affirmant le droit irréfragable
d’être pleinement associés à ce qui<i style="font-style:
italic;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>les
concerne</i>. Ce que l’entreprise (productive) doit
fabriquer, en quelle quantité, à quelle cadence, avec quel
volume d’emploi et quelle structure de rémunérations, sous
quelle clé de réaffectation des surplus, comment elle
accommodera les variations de son environnement : aucune de
ces choses ne peut par principe échapper a la délibération
commune puisqu’elles ont toutes des conséquences communes.
Le simplissime principe récommuniste est donc que ce qui
affecte tous doit être l’objet de tous – c’est le mot même
de récommune qui le dit ! -, c’est-à-dire
constitutionnellement et égalitairement débattu par tous.
P170</p>
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