[D66] Combidoom: The end of the world as we know it - Bill Mckibben
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Sun Aug 2 19:30:04 CEST 2020
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https://www.the-tls.co.uk/articles/the-end-of-the-world-as-we-know-it/
The end of the world as we know it
Covid-19 and climate change
By bill mckibben
Enrique Shore/Alamy
July 31, 2020
Read this issue
Climate crisisCoronavirus
Across much of Europe, people have begun to breathe a sigh of relief as
this summer wears on. In countries such as Italy, hard hit by
coronavirus, life is slowly returning to something that looks a little
like normal. They did the work – locked down, paid the price – and now
they have the luxury of looking across the Atlantic and shaking their
heads, while they venture out for a drink, or even a vacation.
So it feels almost unfair to say: 2020 is just a dry run. There is going
to be nothing normal anywhere about the rest of this century. If the
scientific consensus is even close to correct about global warming – and
so far the scientists have underestimated its effects at every turn – we
can look forward to a continual, and accelerating, series of crises that
will knock us off balance again and again. Sometimes the damage will be
localized: a hurricane that puts a particular city underwater. But
increasingly the carnage will be global, just like the pandemic, and its
effects will multiply. As this spring came to an end, India was
struggling with Covid-19, like almost everywhere else, but it was also
dealing with a savage heatwave that took temperatures in Delhi past 48°C
– and this in a city where many people in non-air-conditioned homes
couldn’t even open their windows for fear of mosquitoes carrying dengue
fever, a disease that has already expanded its range dramatically as the
planet has warmed. In May the south of the country weathered the
strongest cyclone ever measured in the Bay of Bengal. Meanwhile, in
early June, a plague of locusts descended across the subcontinent and
East Africa – a plague triggered by climate-related shifts in rainfall –
devastating crops and leaving tens of millions facing famine.
These sorts of increasingly commonplace events are happening in a world
where the global temperature has gone up, on average, around 1°C. At the
moment, we’re on a trajectory – even if every nation keeps to its
pledges made in the Paris Agreement – to warm the world at least 3.5°C.
(The preamble to the accord promised that we’d try to keep temperature
increases well below 2°C, but the actual commitments that countries made
told a different story.) Mark Lynas’s new book, Our Final Warning
(2020), gives us the latest research on time frames: we could see 2°C by
the 2030s, 3°C by the mid-century and 4°C by 2075. These temperatures
would create a world totally unlike the one we have known. You’d have to
go back aeons before our species emerged to have anything comparable. So
our job, sadly, is not to get back to normal. It is to use the
abnormality of this moment to try to prepare as best we can –
practically and emotionally – for the even more disruptive time ahead;
to prepare in the hope that we can prevent some of it and endure the rest.
Perhaps it is useful to catalogue a few of the lessons these past
extraordinary months should be teaching us. One is that we live on a
planet with real physical rules. When you have spent a couple of
generations (as most Westerners now have) in a world where water comes
from a tap and food from a store, it is excusable to take the actual
world for granted. And when you’ve spent the past generation staring
into a screen where everything is editable and manipulable, it can
become difficult to take reality very seriously. But the physical world
is not a backdrop. We can try to wish away physics and chemistry (which
is what climate deniers have been doing for years), we can try to wish
away biology (Donald Trump has attempted to do both). But science isn’t
interested.
A key rule of physical reality is that it moves at its speed, not yours.
Even political leaders who care about things such as climate change
routinely insist that they can only go so fast. In his final year in
office, Barack Obama said that, although he considered climate change to
be humanity’s greatest problem, “unfortunately, in a democracy, I may
have to zig and zag occasionally, and take into account very real
concerns and interests”. His point was as obvious as it is true –
political reality matters too. In this case, the “very real interests”
were the oil and gas companies, and during the course of his two terms
they dramatically ramped up production, taking the US past Russia and
Saudi Arabia as the planet’s biggest source of hydrocarbons. (And
perhaps Obama was less eaten up by this than he’d implied. Last year, to
a cheering audience in Texas, he boasted: “it went up every year I was
president. That whole, suddenly America’s like the biggest oil producer
and the biggest gas, that was me, people … say thank you”.) But science
isn’t interested in political reality either. Climate policy – and
Covid-19 policy – isn’t like welfare policy or housing policy. When
actual physical forces are at stake, caution and compromise are your
enemy, not your friend.
The current pandemic is the greatest example of this maxim that we have
seen in our lifetimes. A few places seized immediately on the fight –
some Asian nations, in particular, and in part because of their
traumatic experience of SARS. The US, by contrast, got its first
official case in January, and then wasted February doing nothing at all,
by which point it not only had to disrupt daily life far more
profoundly, but also had a mounting pile of dead bodies on its hands. So
here’s the climate equivalent: the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change told us in 2018 that if we as a planet don’t cut emissions in
half by 2030 then our chances of meeting the Paris temperature targets
will be slim to none. Before the current crisis hit, the global response
to this was to burn more carbon than ever before. Now we have a chance.
If our political system can internalize these two lessons – that reality
sets its own terms and that speed matters – then we may be able to
combat climate change. We won’t head it off (that ship has long since
motored noisily away), but we might peg back the ultimate rise in
temperature to a place where it merely besieges, rather than overwhelms,
modernity.
To imagine what dealing with climate change might look like in practice,
let us begin with one of the obvious features of our new viral world:
lots and lots of unemployment. In my own country, the United States,
more people are currently out of work than at any time since the Great
Depression. In the 1930s Franklin D. Roosevelt figured out how to give
people jobs in response to this: Americans were requisitioned to erect
everything from libraries to roads and dams, producing a national
infrastructure that remains crucial to this day. Now let us consider
what task we might have at this moment to soak up large quantities of
labour. The most obvious candidate – by far – is the work of remaking
our energy system. We need, for instance, to retrofit tens of millions
of buildings around the world. They have to be far more efficient, and
the solution to this is already with us: the air source heat pump, which
transfers heat from outside to inside a contained space, and vice versa.
We need to build the infrastructure that will let us use muscle power or
electricity, not petrol, to transport ourselves and our goods: bike
paths, car chargers, bus rapid transit. We need to turn our soils into
sponges for carbon, which will mean new cropping techniques (and new
eating patterns). And we need to replace power plants fired by coal and
gas with power from sun and wind.
This list was also true a decade ago, after our previous financial
crisis. But one thing has changed since then: the cost of all these
technologies has plummeted. Solar power costs a tenth of what it did a
decade ago. Back then, we barely had utility-scale storage batteries;
now they’re massive and becoming ever cheaper to produce. Air source
heat pumps will require an initial upfront expenditure for installation
– which is why it’s good that there is a seemingly endless amount of
low-cost capital to put to work. But it’s the best kind of investment
because, once you’ve got it up and running, it essentially prints money
for you. The point about renewables is that they’re renewable – for
free. And this is precisely why the fossil fuel industry has fought so
hard to keep them at bay.
The other important change is that the fossil fuel industry is less
powerful than it was a decade ago. Partly that weakness stems from the
rising utility, and availability, of these new technologies. It is also,
however, the result of activists’ carefully having targeted the industry
over the past decade, particularly through the fossil fuel divestment
campaign that by some margin is the largest anti-corporate effort of its
kind in history. I’ve been involved in it from the start – we’re now at
$14 trillion in endowments and portfolios that have signed on; the
biggest recent win came on the fiftieth anniversary of Earth Day, on
April 22, when Oxford University announced that it was selling its
fossil fuel shares. This activism – and the great investigative
reporting that has made it clear that these companies knew all about
global warming back in the late 1970s and 80s, and covered it up – have
left a stricken industry. Here is America’s leading stock guru, Jim
Cramer, speaking to his vast television audience back in January, before
most of us were even thinking about Covid-19: fossil fuel shares, he
said, were facing a “death knell … they’re just done. We’re starting to
see divestment all over the world”. Before the winter was out, the asset
manager Blackrock – the largest box of money on the planet – announced
that it was changing its investment policies to deal with climate
change. “Awareness is rapidly changing, and I believe we are on the edge
of a fundamental reshaping of finance”, Blackrock’s CEO Larry Fink wrote
in his annual letter. “The evidence on climate risk is compelling
investors to reassess core assumptions about modern finance.” Even the
oil companies themselves, particularly in Europe, were already beginning
to make promises about “net-zero emissions” by 2050 – which sounds
better than it is but would still have been unthinkable even two years ago.
Now the pandemic is with us, and it is operating like an x-ray, exposing
these shifts in power more clearly. And it is also accelerating the
trends that were already under way. In the first few weeks of lockdown,
our use of energy dropped fast and, since the price of oil is highly
marginal, that dropped even faster – in fact, there were days in early
March when, owing to its storage costs, it carried a negative price.
This shook the oil companies and their investors anew – fossil fuel
industry shares fell 40 per cent over the first four months of 2020,
while renewable energy stocks actually rose by a couple of per cent. It
seems likely that the trend will continue: analysts have begun to
predict that 2019 will have been the year of peak oil demand on earth.
And while our energy usage will pick up as, one hopes, the economy
recovers, renewables are now cheap enough to cover most of that growth
in demand.
But speed remains of the essence. And here the pandemic has also been
instructive. For even with so many of us staying at home, emissions only
dropped between 10 and 15 per cent. That is, we learnt, during this
great and grim experiment, that we can largely shut down the airlines
and keep most people relatively static without having a major impact on
emissions. Even at the height of lockdown, fossil fuels powered the
central systems of our lives: buildings, communications and agriculture.
The carbon has kept pouring out and the records keep being broken. In
May CO2 monitors on the side of the Mauna Loa volcano in Hawaii recorded
their annual high at about 418 parts per million, levels that haven’t
been seen for many millions of years – and up more than two parts per
million from the year before.
If we are going to make meaningful progress in the decade ahead, likely
the last decade where we still have some real leverage, it is going to
have to come with large-scale government-directed action to rewire our
planet – back, that is, to something resembling the New Deal. It is
heartening, then, that such plans were already on the table: in the US a
Green New Deal has been winning increasing support for more than two
years, becoming a significant part of the Democratic primary campaign.
(Under Trump, of course, it’s an impossibility, but at the moment he is
trailing in his re-election bid; and one reason is the unpopularity of
his stands on the environment – it is the area where pollsters find his
policies are least popular, even among his supporters.) There are
European versions too – one seems likely to become a template for the
continent’s recovery. The same goes for South Korea. With China it is
too early to tell. But this is going to be the debate: do we use the
reaction to the crisis we’re in to prepare for the one that’s coming, or
do we just set up the pins in the bowling alley again?
In the end, I think, our progress will depend on whether we can learn a
third lesson from our fight with the virus, and also from the equally
important recent uprising against racial violence and police brutality.
Reality is real, speed matters – and social solidarity is required.
Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher marked the big turn in Western
political thinking last century with their belief that markets should be
trusted to solve most problems, and their disdain for such things as
society and government. (One of Reagan’s favourite gags was: “The nine
scariest words in the English language are ‘I’m from the government and
I’m here to help’”.) Over the years this kind of sentiment has broken
down our societies into angry and polarized places. But Covid-19 has
been a powerful reminder that, even if we don’t all suffer equally, we
do all rise or fall together.
The pandemic has required good governance – admittedly, not always
forthcoming – and it has been vital practice for the kind of solidarity
we’re all going to require. We haven’t passed with flying colours – in
the US especially there have been plenty of knuckleheads flouting
regulations and refusing, on principle, to wear masks, for example. But
lots of people have been prepared to take seriously their responsibility
to others by staying at home. Indeed, it was probably a good sign how
furious many in the UK became when Boris Johnson’s chief adviser,
Dominic Cummings, broke quarantine and got away with it, because it
implied that some kind of societal consensus still existed. It was even
more inspiring to see Americans by their millions marching under the
Black Lives Matter banner, declaring that it was time to see solidarity
extend past the racial lines where it has broken down so reliably in the
past (and heartening, too, to see that most marchers were wearing masks,
unlike many police). The impending US election is a referendum on
whether the country can move decisively past its history, and not only
the sad racial heritage implied by all those Confederate statues. It
will also be a referendum on the legacies of Reaganism, not to mention
Trumpism, versus the need for a working polity. And if its citizens
choose the latter then even the US might finally be able to get down to
grappling with climate change, something that is essential to the world
doing likewise.
But of course this solidarity is going to be needed for more than making
the changes to prevent some of the warming ahead. It’s also going to be
needed to endure the warming we can no longer prevent – to endure what
will, in the very best case, be a rising tide of storm, fire and flood.
The testing of our species has only just begun.
Bill McKibben is a contributing editor to the New Yorker and a founder
of the grassroots climate campaign 350.org. His latest book is Falter:
Has the human game begun to play itself out?, 2019
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