British deputy prime minister admits Iraq war was illegal

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British deputy prime minister admits Iraq war was illegal
24 July 2010

The statement by British Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg that the Iraq war was
“illegal” leads to only one conclusion—that former Prime Minister Tony Blair and
many others must immediately be arraigned on war crimes charges.

Clegg was standing in for Prime Minister David Cameron in parliament on Tuesday
when he made his statement—one of the few truthful remarks to have been heard
from the government dispatch box.

Responding to questions from Labour’s Jack Straw, foreign secretary at the time
of the invasion of Iraq, Clegg said of Straw, “We may have to wait for his
memoirs, but perhaps one day he will account for his role in the most disastrous
decision of all: the illegal invasion of Iraq.”

His charge was immediately attacked by Labour ministers and leading Army
chiefs—and for good reason. As Philippe Sands, professor of law at University
College London, pointed out, such a “public statement by a government minister
in parliament as to the legal situation” could be grounds for the prosecution of
British officials in an international court.

That was far from Clegg’s intent. Almost immediately he retreated from his
remarks, issuing a statement that they had been made in a “personal capacity”. A
spokesman said, “The coalition government has not expressed a view on the
legality or otherwise of the Iraq conflict. But that does not mean that
individual members of the government should not express their individual views.
These are long-held views of the deputy prime minister.

“The Iraq inquiry is currently examining many issues surrounding the UK’s
involvement in Iraq, including the legal basis of the war. The government looks
forward to receiving the inquiry’s conclusions.”

The reference to the Iraq inquiry, currently being conducted by Sir John
Chilcot, is a red herring. Its term of reference specifically excludes ruling on
the legality of the war. The inquiry issued its own statement repeating, “The
inquiry is not a court of law, and no one is on trial.”

The Liberal Democrats have long made political capital out of their criticisms
of the Iraq invasion. They had initially opposed the US-led war on the grounds
of upholding the authority of the United Nations, but swung to supporting “our
boys” once the invasion began. They had demanded a full and open inquiry into
the war, which Clegg had described as the “biggest foreign policy mistake this
country has made… since Suez” (the British-French invasion of Egypt in 1956).

Such public pronouncements were a significant factor in the vote the Liberal
Democrats received in the general election earlier this year.

Clegg’s latest actions underscore the fraudulent character of his party’s
“anti-war” stance. The deputy prime minister undoubtedly thought he could
continue his political posturing against Labour without his statements having
any real consequence. But the Liberal Democrats are now in a government that
still maintains 400 troops in Iraq and plays a key role in the suppression of
Afghanistan. Its coalition partners in the Conservative Party voted in support
of the Iraq invasion and have defended it to the hilt.

The Tories backed up Clegg’s claim that his verdict on the Iraq war was solely a
matter of personal opinion. Foreign Secretary William Hague, who voted for the
war, said, “The deputy prime minister has a different history from mine” on the
subject.

More fundamentally, the legality of the Iraq war is not a matter of “personal”
opinion or individual historical interpretations. Under the precedent laid down
by the Nuremberg Trials in 1946, the leaders of the United States and Britain
are guilty under international law of the same criminal charge that was brought
against the Nazis: the waging of aggressive war.

As the Nuremberg verdict stated, “War is essentially an evil thing. Its
consequences are not confined to the belligerent states alone, but affect the
whole world. To initiate a war of aggression, therefore, is not only an
international crime, it is the supreme international crime, differing from other
war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.”

There is no question that the United States and the UK launched a war of
aggression against Iraq so as to advance their own strategic geo-political
interests in the Middle East.

It is a matter of record that on January 30, 2003 Britain’s then-Attorney
General, Lord Goldsmith, informed Prime Minister Tony Blair that the use of
military force against Iraq was illegal without sanction by the United Nations
Security Council. Despite the continued absence of such a sanction, just two
months later, following a visit to Washington, Goldsmith changed his mind and
ruled an invasion legal.

Ross stated, “In just war theory and international law, any country must exhaust
all non-violent alternatives before resorting to force. It’s clear in this case
that the UK government did not adequately consider let alone pursue non-military
alternatives to the 2003 invasion”.

The Iraq invasion destroyed an entire country and cost the lives of more than a
million people. Through a pre-emptive assault, Washington and London overthrew a
regime considered an obstacle to their interests, executed its leader and
imprisoned and killed anyone who got in their way. The ongoing occupation
continues to devastate lives, as seen in the record levels of cancer, leukemia,
infant mortality, and birth defects that have been recorded in the city of Fallujah.

In addition, the Iraq war was accompanied by an array of measures abrogating
democratic rights in the US and the UK under the guise of the “war on terror”.
Extraordinary rendition, the jailing of “suspected” terrorists without trial, a
clampdown on freedom of speech and, in Britain, the cold-blooded murder of Jean
Charles de Menezes, are just some of the outcomes.

As Clegg is well aware, Blair and his leading ministers have blood on their
hands. They could never have achieved their criminal objective, however, without
the active support of the intelligence services, the Conservative opposition,
the media and a host of compliant civil servants.

That is why Clegg beat an immediate retreat. As the World Socialist Web Site has
insisted, the necessary redressing of the terrible catastrophe visited on the
people of Iraq—including the prosecution of the architects of the invasion and
the payment of billions in compensation—can only be achieved through the
independent mobilisation of the working class against imperialist war and the
capitalist profit system that causes it.

Julie Hyland

http://wsws.org/articles/2010/jul2010/pers-j24.shtml

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